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physiological events among individuals from various Asian, South American, and African cultural backgrounds (Shweder, Much, Mahapatra, & Park, 1997). It is notable that such events tend to be explained as originating in problems of interpersonal relationships, thus requiring some form of nonpsychological form of intervention for their amelioration (Rosaldo, 1984; White, 1994). Motivation Whereas early cross-cultural research was informed exclusively by existing theoretical models, such as Rotter s framework of internal versus external locus of control (Rotter, 1966), recent work is suggesting that motivation may assume socially shared forms. This kind of focus, for example, is re ected in the construct of secondary control, which has been identi ed among Japanese populations, in which individuals are seen as demonstrating agency via striving to adjust to situational demands (Morling, 2000; Morling, Kitayama, & Miyamoto, 2000; Weisz et al., 1984). Equally, work in India has also pointed to the existence of joint forms of control, in which the agent and the family or other social group are experienced as together agentic in bringing forth certain outcomes (Sinha, 1990). In another related area of work on motivation, research is highlighting the positive affective associations linked with ful llment of role-related responsibilities. This type of documentation notably challenges what has been the assumption informing much psychological theory that behavior is experienced as most agentic when it is freely chosen rather than socially constrained and that social expectations are invariably experienced as impositions on individual freedom of choice. For example, behavioral research on intrinsic motivation has documented that Asian-American children experience higher intrinsic motivation for an anagrams task that has been selected for them by their mothers than for one that they have freely chosen (Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). In contrast, it is shown that European-American children experience greater intrinsic motivation when they have selected such a task for themselves. Further support for this view that agency is compatible with meeting role expectations may be seen in attributional research, which has documented that Indian adults indicate that they would want to help as much and derive as much satisfaction in helping when acting to ful ll norms of reciprocity as when acting in the absence of such normative expectations (J. G. Miller & Bersoff, 1994). Such a trend contrasts with that observed among Americans, who assume that greater satisfaction is associated with more freely chosen

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generally is conducted on either species or behavioral patterns not generally utilized in those elds. Comparative psychology ts within the broad eld of animal behavior studies, which includes research by scientists from many disciplines. Much research within comparative psychology includes no overt comparisons among species. The goals are to develop a complete understanding of general principles governing mind and behavior including its origins (evolutionary, genetic, and developmental), control (internal and external), and consequences (for the individual, the surrounding environment, and for subsequent evolution). Comparison is but one method of reaching such understanding. Comparative psychologists take seriously the effects of behavior on differential reproduction and, ultimately, evolutionary change. In an article on the contributions of comparative psychology to child study, a favorite approach of Hall s, Linus Kline (1904) used the term zoological psychology as a label for the eld; this may be a more accurate descriptive title than comparative psychology because it highlights the connection of comparative psychology with zoology especially so-called whole-animal biology. In this chapter, I trace the history of comparative psychology from early cave paintings to the present. This entails rst a consideration of the British forerunners of comparative psychology and the emergence of the eld prior to World War I.

Berglund et al. (1994a, 1994b)