8: Unlock the Hidden Power of XP in .NET

Printing qrcode in .NET 8: Unlock the Hidden Power of XP

Sub UninstallAll() Dim Count As Integer Dim Item As AddIn Count = 0 For Each Item In AddIns If Item.Installed Then Item.Installed = False Count = Count + 1 End If Next Item MsgBox Count & Add-Ins Uninstalled. End Sub
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1 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 IA, PC ND 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0
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The following output results (unless, that is, you set the final parameter as show_empty):
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to which it is closest. This representation has the advantage that it is easily carried to the fth dimension (discussed later). Saucier showed that the I II IV sphere was the most interstitially structured of all 10 spheres that are contained in the 5-D hypersphere; that difference, however, is quite relative in view of the many mixtures involving Factors III or V. Like Wiggins s (1980) two-dimensional interpersonal circumplex, Saucier s model uses octants, which are 45 deg wide, corresponding to a correlation of .707. Therefore, the variables assigned to such a segment may still form a fairly heterogeneous set. Hofstee et al. (1992) distinguished traits that had their primary loading on one factor and their secondary loading on another (e.g., I II ; sociable, social) and traits with a reverse pattern (II I ; merry, cheerful). This strategy amounts to slicing up a circle into 12 clock segments of 30 deg, corresponding to a correlation of .866. A reason for making these ner distinctions is that 30 deg is about the angular distance at which vectors are still given the same substantive interpretation (Haven & Ten Berge, 1977). If this amendment is worked into Saucier s model, it becomes identical to a three-dimensional version of the abridged circumplex. The Abridged Big Five Circumplex Model
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COGNITIVE NEUROSCIENCE The term cognitive neuroscience is very recent, dating perhaps from the 1980s. The Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience was rst published in 1989. Indeed, Posner and Shulman s comprehensive chapter on the history of cognitive science (1979) does not even mention cognitive neuroscience (human imaging techniques were not yet much in use then). The cognitive revolution in psychology is treated in the chapter by Leahey in this volume. Here we note brie y the biological roots of cognitive neuroscience (see Gazzaniga, 1995). Karl Lashley was again a key gure. One of the most important aspects of cognitive neuroscience dates from the early days at the Orange Park laboratory, where young scientists like Chow and Pribram began studies of the roles of the association areas of the monkey cerebral cortex in learning, memory, and cognition. The 1950s was an especially rich time of discovery regarding how cognitive function was organized in the brain. Pribram, Mortimer Mishkin, and Hal Rosvold at NIMH, using lesion studies in monkeys, discovered that the temporal lobe was critical for aspects of visual perception and memory. Work with neurologic patients also played a critical role in uncovering the neural substrates of cognition. One particular discovery became a landmark in the history of memory research. In 1954 Scoville described a grave loss of recent memory which he had observed as a sequel to bilateral medial temporal resection in one psychotic patient and one patient with intractable seizures. In both cases . . . removals extended posteriorly along the medial surface of the temporal lobes . . . and probably destroyed the anterior two-thirds of the hippocampus and hippocampal gyrus bilaterally, as well as the uncus and amygdala. The unexpected and persistent memory de cit which resulted seemed to us to merit further investigation. That passage comes from the rst paragraph of Scoville and Milner s 1957 report, Loss of Recent Memory after Bilateral Hippocampal Lesions. This publication became a
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Part II
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accounted for declined, though not to zero. For example, the variance accounted for by pleasure and arousal in a scale of anger was .80, .63, and .68 in the three conditions, respectively. Thus, pleasure and arousal remained a part of strong, clear emotions, but other components played a larger role. Core affect also guides behavior. Core affect leads us to expose ourselves to affect-congruent situations (Bower & Forgas, 2000), thereby playing a role in action preparation and behavioral choice. Pleasure-displeasure in uences our way of assessing resources when planning or deciding on action. Pleasure and displeasure are thus not restricted to emotional behavior and are currently found in the explanation of different kinds of action, including aggression (Berkowitz, 1993), eating (Pinel, Assanand, & Lehman, 2000), sex (Abramson, & Pinkerton, 1995), and drug abuse (Solomon, 1977). The dimension of arousal is one s state of readiness for action. For example, feeling enthused (high pleasure and arousal) gives a person a sense of optimism in choosing goals and plans. Arousal has been the basic component of the most popular situationist theory of emotion in social psychology (Schachter, 1964). The existence of core affect complements rather than contradicts the characterization of emotions as action patterns, provided that action patterns too are thought to be parts of rather than the whole of or essential to emotion. Core affect provides a way of comparing qualitatively different scenarios by representing them on a single dimension, thereby solving a common human problem: The events encountered and the choices available are often qualitatively different. Occasionally, one chooses between the larger and smaller dessert, but more often the choice is between two qualitatively different options: dessert or a lm. The dimension of pleasure-displeasure is a psychological currency that provides a yardstick for such comparisons (e.g., Mellers, 2000). A nal advantage of thinking in terms of core affect is that the psychology of emotion is more easily integrated with the rest of psychology. The concept of emotion has led writers to think of emotions as stemming from a separate faculty. In contrast, the concept of core affect is compatible with a growing body of evidence that links it to other psychological processes. For example, core affect has been found to guide cognitive processes such as attention, perception, thinking, judgment, mental simulation, and retrieval from memory (e.g., Baron, 1987; Blaney, 1986; Bower, 1992; Eich, 1995; Forgas, 1995; Forgas, Bower, & Krantz, 1984; Izard, Wehmer, Livsey, & Jennings, 1965; Mayer, Gaschke, Braverman, & Evans, 1992; Schiffenbauer, 1974). Pleasure and displeasure facilitate the accessibility of positive and negative material respectively; the more pleasant core affect is, the more positive are evaluative judgments (Schwarz & Clore, 1988) and the more
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plug-in host if you re using dynamic registration, as described in the preceding point. You can leave this key blank if you re not using dynamic plug-in registration.
on overlearned tasks, for example, but tends to hinder performance on novel or dif cult tasks (Zajonc, 1965). There is some controversy regarding the social in uence processes at work in such contexts, although there is a fair degree of consensus that the presence of others increases a performer s physiological arousal, which in turn activates his or her dominant responses on the task. This is consistent with the empirical generalization noted by Zajonc (1965), because correct responses are dominant for well-learned tasks and incorrect responses are dominant for unfamiliar tasks. Even in groups mandating cooperation among group members, the nature of the task may entail forms of coordination that go beyond the simple additive criterion employed in social loa ng research (cf. Steiner, 1972). Neither simultaneous shouting nor tug-of-war, after all, captures the essence of groups that build machines or solve human relations problems. Many group goals are de ned in terms of distinct subacts that must be accomplished by different group members. For such activities, the quality of the group s performance depends on how well members respective contributions are synchronized in time. Assembling a car on a production line requires such role differentiation, as does maintaining a household, moving heavy pieces of furniture, or implementing plans to manually recount votes in a close election. Coordination is every bit as critical as individual effort per se in such instances, and a particular blend of normative and informational in uence may be necessary for the action to unfold smoothly and effectively. Identifying these blends of in uence is an agenda for future research. Deindividuation Festinger, Pepitone, and Newcomb (1952) coined the term deindividuation to describe a mental state de ned by total submergence in a group. A deindividuated person feels he or she does not stand out as a unique individual, and this feeling leads to a reduction of inner restraints that can result in impulsive acts or other behaviors that might otherwise be inhibited. Although these behaviors may be benign or even desirable (e.g., spontaneous expression of feelings, laughing and dancing at a boisterous party), researchers have typically focused on the potential for antisocial and aggressive actions under conditions that promote deindividuation (cf. Diener, 1980; Zimbardo, 1970). Soccer hooligans committing random acts of violence, mobs rioting and looting stores, and gangs terrorizing their enemies are disturbing manifestations of this potential. Several preconditions for deindividuation have been identi ed (Zimbardo, 1970). Being part of a large, unstructured group, for example, increases one s anonymity and thus can
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