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Figure 23.5. Aesthetic-related appearance problems in whole tissue restructured cooked beef steak (top) and raw offal steak (bottom), depicting the improper alignment of muscle bers and the nonuniformity of meat pieces during restructuring, respectively.
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supervised 35 PhDs, including such names as Abraham Maslow, Donald R. Meyer, John M. Warren, Gerald E. McClearn, Allen M. Schrier, Leonard A. Rosenblum, and Stephen J. Suomi (Suomi & Leroy, 1982). During his career, Beach supervised 41 predoctoral and postdoctoral students (McGill, Dewsbury, & Sachs, 1978). Schneirla left a legacy of in uential students including Daniel S. Lehrman, Jay S. Rosenblatt, and Ethel Tobach. Similar programs were developed elsewhere. Then, of course, these students found jobs, built laboratories, and began educating yet another generation. Comparative psychology still had a problem in that many who published animal research early in their careers left to become prominent in other elds of psychology. Examples include Maslow, William Bevan, Jerome S. Bruner, William K. Estes, Eugene Galanter, Eleanor J. Gibson, Jerome Kagan, Quinn McNemar, M. Brewster Smith, and Dael L. Wol e. Comparative psychology was always a small part of the big picture of American psychology. Nevertheless, there was a solid cadre of comparative psychologists carrying on the tradition. Funding Critical to the growth of comparative psychology was the availability of funding. Prior to World War II, most funding for research came either from local sources or from private foundations, with prospective recipients making the rounds seeking research support. An exception was the Rockefeller Foundation funded Committee for Research in Problems of Sex (Aberle & Corner, 1953). The explosive growth of support for scienti c research not only increased the funding available but changed the pattern to one that involved the submission of research proposals that were subsequently subject to peer review. I have analyzed funding patterns for comparative psychology for 1948 1963 at both the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) and the National Science Foundation (NSF) (Dewsbury, in press-b). According to my analysis, the NIMH awarded a total of 117 grants in comparative psychology for approximately $5.6 million during this period. The mean grant was for 2.5 years with an annual budget of under $20,000. The NSF program in psychobiology, not begun until 1952, awarded 72 grants in comparative psychology for a total of over $1.4 million with a mean size much smaller than those from the NIMH. The top-10 grant getters at the NIMH were Harlow, Lehrman, John Paul Scott, Richter, Eckhard Hess, Nissen, Beach, William Mason, M. E. Bitterman, and Schneirla. Half of those Beach, Harlow, Lehrman, Nissen, and Richter were elected to the National Academy of Sciences of the United States. Nissen, Schneirla, and Richter
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acteristics of projectile motion to program the movement of an effector toward a predicted future contact point. However, it has been observed that the design of these tasks may not be representative of many natural interceptive actions where the emphasis is on receptor anticipation processes (Davids et al., 2001; Poulton, 1957). Under the natural constraints of interceptive tasks such as ball catching and cricket batting, participants are usually able to continuously regulate movements by viewing the ball until it arrives at the location of the hands or the bat, and do not need to perceptually construct the ball s flight path from earlier remembered information from ball flight. This view of task constraints in many interceptive actions fits well with the concept of information-movement coupling in ecological psychology, intrinsic to a strategy of prospective control of movement (Beek, Jacobs, Daffertshofer, & Huys, 2003). Prospection is based on a heterarchical view of the performer and an integrated relationship between movement and perceptual systems. It involves a close and continuous coupling of movement and perceptual systems based on the relationship between the instantaneous states of the performer and environment during task performance (e.g., see Montagne, 2005). The different constraints of motion prediction and natural interceptive tasks might imply the existence of different control mechanisms for successful performance, highlighting the relevance of Brunswik s (1956) concept of task representativeness. For example, slower velocities are typically used in perceptual anticipation tasks (>1 s) and might permit the perceptual construction of the stimulus trajectory for prediction of future contact points. In most natural interceptive actions, however, movement execution times are usually much briefer (e.g., 300 ms for one-handed catching at 10 m /s; Alderson, Sully, & Sully, 1974), facilitating the use of strategies based on continuous regulation or information-movement coupling (Tresilian, 1995). However, extant data on movement outcome variability suggest that performers find the task constraints of natural interceptive actions more functionally relevant than psychophysically based experiments. For example, in some studies involving computer simulations, participants usually underestimate time to arrival of a stimulus object at a designated location point on monitor screens. The amount of underestimation increases with increasing time to arrival (e.g., see data from Kaiser & Mowafy, 1993; McLeod & Ross, 1983; Schiff & Detwiler, 1979; Schiff & Oldak, 1990). Tresilian (1994) has calculated that the average underestimate of reported time to arrival in these tasks is around 60% of actual time to arrival at the point of
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A NURTURING ZEITGEIST World War II represents a watershed in the history of clinical psychology. In its aftermath, clinical psychology received something it had not received before: enormous institutional support from the federal government, from universities, and from the APA for the training of clinical psychologists. In 1942, Robert Yerkes chaired a committee of the National Research Council, which sought to unite the AAAP and the APA by drafting a new constitution that would be acceptable to both groups. Such a constitution was drafted and provided for an APA dedicated to advance psychology as a science and as a means of promoting human welfare. Henceforth, the APA would be involved in professional and scienti c issues, and a new journal, American Psychologist, would give coverage to both concerns. In 1944, the APA accepted the new constitution, the AAAP transferred its membership of about 600 psychologists to the APA, and the dues went up. American Psychologist began publication in 1946. The new APA had a divisional structure, in which psychologists with similar interests could af liate. Division 12 was the division (now known as the Society) of Clinical Psychology, and it for a time became APA s largest division. Even before America s entry into the war, oppressive dictatorships in Europe had brought about an in ux of psychologists to the United States who did much to invigorate and enrich American psychology. Many of the leading Gestalt psychologists, such as Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Kohler, Kurt Koffka, Kurt Lewin, and many lay analysts (that is, those without MD degrees), such as Erik Erikson, Erich Fromm, and Hanns Sachs, immigrated to this country. Many who were recognized psychoanalysts in Europe found their practices impeded by the American Psychoanalytic Association, which
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Now it s time to start the show by calling doSeqGrab, which begins grabbing frames from the video camera. The video appears in a window that s 800 by 600.
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