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and a concern for independence but are differentiated by the active-passive bipolarity. The antisocial reflects an aggrandizing pattern, the core of the construct being active manipulation and exploitation of the environment in the service of self, marked by lack of concern for others. The narcissistic or egotistical pattern is also concerned with self-enhancement, status, and power but passively expects these to be delivered by the social environment. Where the relationships of the antisocial are dominated by mistrust and animosity, the narcissist is benignly arrogant. Several manifestations follow from these core themes. The antisocial pattern is distinguished as impulsive, interpersonally irresponsible, cognitively deviant, has an autonomous self-image, is mistrusting and debasing, uncontrolled, aggrandizing, hedonistic, callous, irritable, and aggressive. Although prominent among offenders, this pattern can be seen in less extreme forms in law-abiding people. Millon also distinguishes several variants or subtypes, such as the covetous, the risk-taking, and the nomadic and considers the sadistic or abusive pattern a related form involving abnormalities of the pleasure-pain bipolarity. In the case of the narcissist, the primary manifestations are haughtiness, interpersonal exploitation, cognitive expansiveness, an admirable self-image, illusory object relations, self-deceptive rationalization, and flimsy internal coping strategies. These characteristics of the antisocial and narcissistic personalities clearly overlap with the traits of psychopathy proposed by Cleckley, but go beyond them. The active striving, antagonism, and mistrust of the antisocial, for example, are absent from Cleckley s portrayal, and while affective deficits are accompaniments of these patterns in Millon s construct, they are part of a dynamic process centering on self-other orientation, much as in Gough s earlier account. Millon, nonetheless, identifies the narcissistic pattern with F1 of the PCL-R and the antisocial with F2. However, using questionnaire measures of Millon s patterns, Hart, Forth, and Hare (1991) failed to confirm this among prison inmates. While total PCL-R and F2 correlated significantly with several patterns, including antisocial and narcissistic, only the sadistic pattern correlated with F1, again reflecting the methodological problems of relating F1 to self-reports. Nevertheless, Millon s ideal types coalesce to form a distinct antisocial-narcissistic-histrionic personality pattern observable in questionnaire data among mentally disordered offenders (Blackburn, 1996).
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be structured to reduce the salience of category distinctions and promote opportunities to get to know out-group members as individual persons, thereby disarming the forces of categorization. The conditional speci cations of the contact hypothesis (e.g., cooperative interaction) can be interpreted as features of the situation that reduce category salience and promote more differentiated and personalized representations of the participants in the contact setting. Interdependence typically motivates people to focus more on the individual characteristics of a person, with whom their outcomes are linked, than more general category representations (Fiske, 2000). Attending to personal characteristics of group members not only provides the opportunity to discon rm category stereotypes, but it also breaks down the monolithic perception of the outgroup as a homogeneous unit (Wilder, 1978). In this scheme, the contact situation encourages attention to information at the individual level that replaces category identity as the most useful basis for classifying participants. With a more differentiated representation of out-group members, there is the recognition that there are different types of out-group members (e.g., sensitive as well as tough professional hockey players), thereby weakening the effects of categorization and the tendency to minimize and ignore differences between category members. When personalized interactions occur, in-group and out-group members slide even further toward the individual side of the self as individual versus group member continuum. Members attend to information that replaces category identity as the most useful basis for classifying each other (Brewer & Miller, 1984, p. 288) as they engage in personalized interactions. Repeated personalized contacts with a variety of out-group members should, over time, undermine the value and meaningfulness of the social category stereotype as a source of information about members of that group. This is the process by which contact experiences are expected to generalize via reducing the salience and meaning of social categorization in the long run (Brewer & Miller, 1996). A number of studies provide evidence supporting this perspective on contact effects (Bettencourt, Brewer, Croak, & Miller, 1992; Marcus-Newhall, Miller, Holtz, & Brewer, 1993). Miller, Brewer, and Edwards (1985), for instance, demonstrated that a cooperative task that required personalized interaction with members of the out-group resulted not only in more positive attitudes toward out-group members in the cooperative setting but also toward other out-group members shown on a videotape, compared to cooperative contact that was task focused rather than person focused. During personalization, members focus on information about an out-group member that is relevant to the self (as an
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for culturally tailored counseling even within their own society. Therefore, culturally sensitive methods and approaches are needed to meet the various needs of different cultural groups (Doherty, 1999). One convenient way of studying the role of culture, ethnicity, and religion in a stressful situation is by comparing different ethnic immigrant groups regarding either the acculturation process or their responses to catastrophic events within the host country. As to the former, acculturation has been regarded a stressful encounter since newly arrived immigrants face a number of challenges. However, immigrant groups of different nationality are dif cult to compare since the numerous factors that determine acculturation (e.g., socioeconomic equipment or migration history) vary greatly across immigrant groups. The latter approach of studying ethnic differences in response to stressful events was taken by Webster, McDonald, Lewin, and Carr (1995). They conducted a study to scrutinize the effects of natural disasters on immigrants and the host population. In the aftermath of the 1989 Newcastle, Australia, earthquake, the General Health Questionnaire as well as the Impact of Event Scale for event-related psychological morbidity were administered to immigrants with a non-English background as well as to Australian-born controls. Data analyses showed greater psychological distress among the nonEnglish group. Among those, women, older people, and those who had experienced dislocation following the earthquake were especially distressed. Other factors, such as personal history of traumatization and age upon arrival, were also found to contribute to the increased levels of psychological distress. Age Unfortunately, only few empirical ndings are available about the in uence of age in the face of aversive situations. According to theories of successful development, resources available for coping with stressful situations diminish with age. Since resources are the key to successful coping with life events, elderly people are presumably worse off than younger ones. Is that really the case Cwikel and Rozovski (1998) investigated the immigration process of people from the former Soviet Union to Israel. The immigrants came from republics adjacent to the Chernobyl power plant. The authors found that the late-in-life immigrants (Torres, 1995), those aged 65 years and older, were disadvantaged in terms of adaptation and integration. Moreover, the recovery process after the event was slower among immigrants 55 years and older compared to the younger group.
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We can eventually accept that there are (important) differences between Eastern and Western cultures. Most of the time, however, we consider the so-called Western cultures to be very similar or even identical so that American questionnaires can be used without any problems in all countries. However, when we have a close look at social life in different Western countries, many differences can be observed that could have an influence on the development of personality. In the same way, attitudes toward psychological problems and psychiatric disorders can differ greatly, and the question remains if these differences will influence, for instance, the responses given on items of psychopathology questionnaires. In the cultural psychology approach, personality and culture are considered to be complementary and they influence each other (Markus, Kitayama, & Heiman, 1996; Miller, 1997; Shweder & Sullivan, 1993). The self is considered to be a social construction and, as such, variable over different cultures. Personality traits, seen as entities independent from culture, are questioned. Persons and culture are inseparably linked to each other and cannot be considered independent and dependent variables. Markus and Kitayama (1998) defended the standpoint that Western cultures consider personality to be individualistic and independent, while people from countries such as Asia, Africa, Latin America, and some countries from the southern part of Europe have a view of personality in which personality is considered to be dependent or interdependent. We must raise the question about the practical implications of these assumptions on the construction of questionnaires and the use of American questionnaires in other countries. However, Markus and Kitayama assume that the difference between the American and the European culture (at least with the exception of the southern part) are minimal. In this conception, the words used to talk about personality are considered to be social constructs. When we are talking about coherence, for instance, in our Western culture, we are talking about the consistency of behavior. Coherence of personality in Eastern countries is seen much more in terms of a kind of equilibrium or harmony between different aspects of personality. The theories in which language is considered to be a social construction are not in favor of theories of personality in terms of universal traits, such as the Big Five. These theories are very skeptical about (1) the question of the universality of these concepts of personality, (2) the fact that these universal terms are capable of capturing the structure of personality in all cultures, and (3) the fact that the complexity of personality can be reduced to a limited number of concepts. The same restrictions can be formulated for the taxonomies in use today. Are the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (DSM-IV; 1994) or International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10; 1992) universal classification systems, or are they products of the American and European way of looking at and defining psychopathology The major differences between American-European and most of the other cultures have been summarized by Markus and Kitayama (1998; see Table 22.1). Next, we analyze more concretely the cultural differences that may continue to be present even after adaptation of the test. Van de Vijver and Poortinga (1991) provided numerous examples of cross-cultural differences and emphasized that the psychological significance of numerically identical scores can be different depending on the relevant culture. In addition, these authors pointed out a number of other differences: The test administrator: The presence of the test administrator can have a different meaning depending on the culture; for example, a Black versus White test administrator in a Black versus White culture. The group being tested: Cultures can differ enormously, which greatly complicates the selection of comparable subject samples.
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The Java 2 Enterprise Edition (J2EE) platform is a powerful platform for enterprise application development. In this context, enterprise applications are applications intended to support the needs of a large organization. More speci cally, each enterprise application consists of multiple components or subsystems (COSs), which are deployed across several different sites. These COSs (and the enterprise application itself) work toward a common goal and thereby integrate several different systems. We can view this integration as a by-product of the platform (by de nition we need to integrate the COSs in our application in order to build the application). However, we can also view this integration as a goal in and of itself. For example, integrating all of the database systems within our environment is the primary goal behind a distributed database environment (DDBE). The J2EE platform can be used to implement several different enterprise applications at the same time. It effectively acts like a virtual operating system for our distributed environment by leveraging the services provided by each of the actual operating system platforms installed on the sites where the J2EE platform is deployed within our environment. This is analogous to the way that a DDBE is intended to act as a virtual database by leveraging the services provided by the Sub-DBEs deployed within our environment. While we cannot describe all the nuances of the J2EE platform completely in a single chapter, we will attempt to provide the details necessary to enable us to use the J2EE platform for DDBE software development activities. In Section 16.1, we will provide a high-level overview of the J2EE platform. First, we will focus on some of the prominent vocabulary terms. Next, we will discuss the overall J2EE architecture, the relevant J2EE architectural concepts and deployment considerations, and a subset of the many J2EE application programming interface (API) constructs that we will need to consider in order to discuss the J2EE Starter Kit (SKIT), which we will present in 17. We have already discussed some of the supporting details for this
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The number of elderly people living in the United States has increased from 3.1 million to 35 million during the past 100 years. Those over the age of 65 now represent one in every eight Americans. Furthermore, it is estimated that the growth of the elderly population will increase by 74% by the year 2030 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). As more and more Americans live into their elder years, the need for research, consultation, and quality professional services from clinical psychologists specializing in issues salient to the elder population is greatly needed. Geropsychology or clinical geropsychology is an important and fast-growing specialty area of clinical psychology. Although about 70% of all psychologists evaluate or treat older adults in their clinical work, only 3% report that working with elders is their area of specialization (Dittmann, 2003). Furthermore, the National Institute on Aging reports that 5,000 full-time geropsychologists will be needed by the year 2020 to accommodate the need for these services to the elderly (Dittmann, 2003). Currently, there are only about 700 geropsychologists. The U.S. government has acknowledged this need by passing the Older Americans Act of 2000 (PL 89-73) to make grants available to
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