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The subtle lesson in 2 is that dreams become more believable as they are shared with others. Dave Liniger had an enormous capacity to position the RE/MAX dream as though achieving it would be inevitable. This ability to make the dream seem bigger than its current state enabled him to attract great talent. The big lesson is that selling the dream requires casting a wide net. (See Figure 2.1.) The picture to keep in mind is that once the net is cast, you only want a few choice fish. In fact, RE/MAX proved that it is most important to have the fish that want to be in the fish bowl. RE/MAX has a contrarian recruiting process that produces amazing loyalty to the dream, the brand, and each other. The process begins with the big sell. Then finalists must sell themselves as dream sharers before they are hired. It works this way: Step 1. Cast a wide net (in the beginning) so that there are a lot of fish to consider. Step 2. Weed out possibles based on both skills required and the inner stuff attitude and cultural fit. Step 3. Interview and sell them hard on the dream. Step 4. Then select only those who sell you on how much they want the dream.
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of the ordinary elderly population is likely to be overly conservative, particularly as mental frailty appears to be a risk factor (see review by Glendenning, 1997a). Among women, in particular, a high proportion of whom have a history of trauma prior to the onset of serious mental health problems, including mental illness (Allen, 2001), a signi cant minority experience sexual abuse during admission to hospital for treatment (Nibert et al., 1989). The available data indicate, consistently, that a very substantial proportion of victimisation of all three groups is carried out by people with some presumed caring relationship, including family members [intellectual disabilities (Sobsey, 1994; Brown et al., 1995); serious mental disorder, (Allen, 2001); elderly persons (Decalmer, 1997)], friends [intellectual disabilities (Sobsey, 1994)] or paid carers [intellectual disabilities (Sobsey, 1994; Brown et al., 1995); elderly persons (Glendenning, 1997b)]. These experiences may affect the extent to which, even when they have understood the relevant information and made a decision, people with intellectual disabilities, mental illness, or dementia will be able to express their own views, rather than those indicated to them, albeit inadvertently, by other people. Increasingly, as understanding of the psychological processes of acquiescence, interrogative suggestibility and compliance develop (for a comprehensive review, see Gudjonsson, 2002), it has been accepted that attention is needed regarding the way in which decisions are elicited. Recently, Finlay and Lyons (2001, 2002) have suggested a number of practical strategies to assist in these processes; though focused on people with intellectual disabilities, they are likely also to be relevant to other groups of men and women. In addition, though, the broader social context, in which imbalances of power between the person presenting or requesting a decision, and the decision-maker with a mental disorder , are likely to exist, needs to be considered.
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545 this difference was not statistically signi cant. The corresponding false alarm rate in the target-absent showup was 18% on the immediate test, but false alarms increased signi cantly to 44%, 58%, and 53% for each of the respective delayed tests (N = 279) (Yarmey et al., 1996). To test the hypothesis that identi cation performance would have been signi cantly different if live persons were used at the test instead of photos, an additional 376 persons were given a target-present live showup, and 348 persons were given a targetabsent live showup. (The target and the highly-similar foil were sisters). Accuracy of live showup identi cation at the 2-minute, 30-minute, 2-hour, and 24-hour retention intervals was 52%, 69%, 62% and 62%, respectively. The false alarm rate in the targetabsent live showup was 17%, 33%, 38%, and 31% across the four retention intervals, respectively. No signi cant differences were found in accuracy of identi cation as a function of the same targets being presented live or presented by photograph. A comparison of the frequency of false identi cations could not be conducted because of methodological limitations, that is, the foils were different individuals in the photo and live target-absent conditions. Averaging the results across these two studies and collapsing across treatment conditions reveals that accuracy of identi cation in the lineup condition was 39%, and the false alarm rate was 60%. In the showup condition accuracy of identi cation was 61% and the false alarm rate was 34%.
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17. 18. 19.
Hopefully, such numbers provide us a rudimentary basis for beginning to comprehend just how big occupational fraud is today. The bad news is that we may not even have all of it counted, even at the $600 billion level. The 2001 National Retail Security Survey conducted by the University of Florida reported that U.S. retailers lost more than $32.3 billion in inventory shrinkage.25 Some of that loss was caused by human error, damage, and theft by outsiders. But if only 10 percent was caused by theft by employees, that amounts to $3.2 billion dollars larger than all of major league baseball. Informed observers from the NWCCC estimate the real percentage of such losses caused by the fraudulent actions of insiders to be about 40 to 45 percent about five times the size of all of major league baseball!26 Even figures this striking may be substantially incomplete. Computers are part of the high-tech world in which we live, and they are certainly involved in at least some portion, and perhaps a high portion, of the frauds with which we are concerned. But are these losses also covered, are they in addition to what we believe we know, or is there some element of double counting Again, we do not know. There is no organization believed to keep accurate loss figures on hightech and computer crime, and even the FBI, long in the crime statistics business, has difficulty capturing such data. Compounding this issue are organizational disincentives for revealing such data, to include negative publicity, decreased stockholder acceptance, and customer confidence. Given this state of affairs, organizations such as the Computer Security Institute, in conjunction with the FBI International Computer Crime Squad, conducted the 1999 Computer Crime and Security Survey. This vehicle revealed the following results:27 62% of organizations had a computer security breach within the last year 30% reported system penetration by outsiders 57% pointed to their Internet connection as the point of entry from outside intrusion 32% reported denial of service attacks 19% experienced sabotage of data or networks 14% were victims of financial fraud 90% had incidents of virus contamination 55% had incidents of unauthorized access by insiders 97% reported abuse of Internet privileges by their employees 69% lost laptops to theft 26% said they had experienced theft of proprietary information 32% of the responding organizations had reported serious incidents to law enforcement in the last year
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