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FLOWGRAPH MODELS FOR QUEUING SYSTEMS
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48 kbit/s wideband codec G.722-48k. The multi-rate operation provides AMR-WB with high error robustness in all the applications. The introduction of AMR-WB brings a fundamental improvement of speech quality, raising it to a level never experienced in mobile communication systems before [22]. Acknowledgements The GSM and 3G WCDMA voice codecs have been developed within ETSI SMG11 (including its predecessors) and 3GPP TSG-SA WG4. The codecs are a result of the efforts of many companies and persons contributing to their development and standardisation. References
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See e.g. GSM WP1 Doc 31/87, the text is quoted from the rst approved version in GSM WP1 Doc 30/88. An early version of the speci cation can be found in GSM WP1 Doc 5/86, a developed version in the Annex to WP1 Doc 168/87, the rst approved version in GSM WP1 Doc 17/88. 50 A rst draft was in GSM WP1 Doc 61/86.
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21: The Contribution of the GSM Association to the Building of GSM and UMTS
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Consider Dr White, a general practitioner, who is wondering what advice (or device) to offer Joanne who has come to see him with a request for a prescription for the contraceptive pill. Joanne is just 15. She is categorised by those who nd such classi cation useful as lower working class, and has a strong accent and use of English peculiar to her locality. Dr White sees he has an ethical problem. He also appreciates that he could usefully visualise himself as standing within the Rings of Uncertainty translated in other ways. For example, he might choose to express them for language and communication. Alternatively he might choose to express the Rings for law focusing on the legal controversy that surrounded the Gillick case in the 1980s.106,107 However, Dr White decides that on balance his best option is to imagine himself standing within the Rings expressed for ethics. The doctor has not been confronted with a case like this before, but is inclined towards any policy that helps other people and respects their wishes. Consequently, as Joanne begins to blurt out she wants the Pill, his basic instinct is to talk it through with her and then, all being well, to prescribe the most appropriate drug. Dr White decides to clarify his position because he knows his instinct is not shared by all doctors, and suspects it might be important to analyse his position. But, as he conjures up his mental picture of a series of rings and tries to see himself within them, the image is muddled. He can see himself (and can imagine others placing him) within more than one circle. Dr White is unsure whether to imagine himself in the second or third rings, and he is further aware that there are those who would argue vehemently in some cases that by considering prescribing an oral contraceptive to a sexually active girl under the age of consent he is standing in area (D) (Mrs Gillick took this line). He also recognises that there are some who would say he is standing in Circle (A) (people in the Women s Rights Movement usually take this view). There is a peculiarity when the Rings are expressed for ethics: it is unlikely there will be consensus about the correct position for Dr White within the ethics Rings, yet if the Rings are expressed for law or resources controversy does not persist. In these cases Dr White s position will be open to empirical veri cation. The current law is that doctors can prescribe the pill to under-age girls of suf cient maturity, though they must make efforts to encourage each girl to inform her parents or guardians.108 And there are adequate supplies of the Pill, so no resource problem in this case. As we have seen throughout this book, ethics always involves value judgements and is therefore not easy to represent in the Rings image. Ethics pervades health work, so an accurate representation would somehow show ethics saturating the Rings since health work is a moral endeavour any application of the Rings requires ethical re ection. However, for practical reasons it is better to show ethics as a segment of the analytic process. So long as the reasoner knows this the Rings can be used to good pragmatic effect. (Note: the above paragraphs strongly anticipated the Values Exchange: www. values-exchange.com.)
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deciding whether or not to repair a dangerous situation, and perhaps even a theory of what that risk calculus will be. And to create a rule for the exclusion of evidence likely to be overvalued by jurors, judges had to believe that jurors would assess some evidence differently and incorrectly compared to what the judges thought was the correct assessment of the evidence. In effect, evidence rule-makers are amateur psychologists theorizing about the psychology of witnesses and jurors and litigants. These theories and the observations, assumptions, and inferences that give rise to them have been memorably referred to as reside inductions (Meehl, 1989). Where the focus of the rule-maker is on the people or circumstances that produce more or less reliable testimony, the rule-makers are generally acting as applied cognitive psychologists. This perspective is re ected in the rules concerning the competency of witnesses, oath, cross-examination, leading questions, habit, and some of the exceptions to the rule against hearsay. The rule-maker generally is acting as an applied social psychologist when focusing on the behavior of litigants, re ected in such rules as those excluding evidence on offers of compromise, subsequent remedial measures, pleas, and insurance. But most of the rules reveal the rule-makers to be amateur cognitive social psychologists concerned with the jury, re ected in such rules as those governing hearsay and many of its exceptions, character evidence, and assessment of witness credibility. The decision-making of these amateur psychologists can, in its turn, be examined. How well are they doing Part of evaluating their performance as decision-makers could involve evaluating the beliefs on which their decisions are based. How accurate are their beliefs about witness, litigant, and juror psychology Rules and the rulings might be improved by improving the information base on which they rest by replacing intuition and guesswork with improved systems of logic (including probability theory) or with empirically based knowledge about the psychology of witnesses and jurors and litigants. Note that judges are not merely trying to predict how jurors will assess evidence. The mental gymnastics in which these judges are necessarily engaged is far more complicated. They rst have to decide what the correct (or a range of correct) inferences are that should be drawn from the evidence. (Query how well judges do that.) Then they must predict how jurors will assess, and what inferences jurors will draw from the same evidence. (Query how well judges do that.) And then they must compare the two sets of inferences and judge whether the gap is so large that something must be done to correct the discrepancy. It is entirely possible that the judges are themselves in error either about the proper inferences to be drawn from the evidence or about the inferences that jurors will draw, or both. What little research exists making direct comparisons between the decisions judges make on evidence and the decisions jurors make, shows them to be far more similar than different (Rakos and Landsman, 1992; Wells, 1992; Kalven and Zeisel, 1966). Such ndings suggest that the fundamental assumption that jurors are poorer decision-makers about facts than judges are might itself be in error. From there it is a short step to wondering
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occur. Indeed, our analysis calculates the finite probability that such outcomes will occur. If such an outcome would have a serious (or even catastrophic) effect, it cannot be safely ignored. The likelihood of being unpleasantly surprised by such a probabilistically unexpected outcome can be reduced if the decision tree is updated as each of the included future events becomes an historic event. After the time for an event to occur has passed, its probability of occurrence is either 100% (it did occur) or 0% (it did not occur), and the previously estimated probability for the event should be replaced with the historically determined one.
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Mattia Filiaci This appendix will cover the technical aspects of four parts of Moody s KMV Portfolio Manager:1 The manner in which Portfolio Manager deals with default correlation. The way in which facilities are valued in Portfolio Manager. The way that Portfolio Manager produces the value distribution. Calculation of the outputs from Portfolio Manager.
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TDoc SMG 477/93: UMTS work programme.
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This example concerns an organization that wanted to have the functionality of its Help Desk investigated. During the introductory meeting, the processes in Exhibit A emerged. EXHIBIT A
FAILURE
CONCLUDING COMMENTS Pub. L. No. 94 142 was enacted almost 30 years ago. Amendments, court interpretations, changing rules and regulations, and policy statements have further shaped special education law. Education law will continue to change. School psychologists must keep abreast of these changes to ensure that the educational rights of pupils are safeguarded.
Notice that you can have freeform text contained within an element. The element starts at the start tag and ends with the end tag. A start tag begins with the less-than character (<), is followed by a label, and ends with the greater-than character (>). The end tag is the same as the start tag, except that the label is preceded with a forward slash (/). The name of an element must start with a letter or an underscore, followed by any number of letters, digits, hyphens, underscores, or periods. You can also have other elements contained inside an element. Code Listing 2.3 has three XUL elements: a window, a menubar, and a menu.
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